Afro-Indigenous People and Relations

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Afro-indigenous people in Central and South American countries seem to be poorly represented; information about their presence is difficult to find. Although certain sources indicate that indigenous Latin Americans historically intermingled with Africans and people of African descent who were brought to the region as slaves, indigenous people seem to exist in their own category apart from Afro-Latin Americans. Additionally, although the terms mestizo (person of European and indigenous heritage) and mulatto (person of mixed European and African descent) are often used in scholarship and literature, there doesn’t seems to be a common or evident term for people with mixed Afro-indigenous heritage.

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As a result, the existence people of this racial makeup is mostly disregarded or ignored. This limitation on the exploration of mixed-race people indicates the control of white people in society, as people are only relevant if they are white in some aspect. Even so, only people who are completely white are valued and treated with respect. This ignorance of the presence of black people in and related to indigenous communities is especially evident in the context of Central and South America. In general, scholarship about any type of relationships that exist between people of African descent and indigenous people explores this concept in North American tribal communities. However, this information can potentially apply to similar interactions in the context of Latin America, revealing more about race dynamics and the presence of minority groups in that region.

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In his article Dangerous Decolonizing: Indians and Blacks in the Legacy of Jim Crow, author Brian Klopotek explores the presence of blackness in Indian communities, specifically in the Choctaw tribe, as well as the general relationships between black people and Native Americans. He discusses how existing indigenous methodologies limit research in certain ways. The author mentions that U.S. indigenous studies only explore interracial relationships as they exist between Indians and whites. This indicates that U.S. society is very white dominated, because the existence of Native Americans (and other minority groups) is only discussed as it relates to white people. The same limitations seem to exist in scholarship about indigenous Latin Americans, most likely because in this context, a lot of history of indigenous people was written by Europeans. As a result, more modern research about indigenous communities and cultures, especially that created by members of these tribes, often ignore relationships they have with any other racial groups, seeking instead to share the story of indigenous people because they have been silenced for so long. Similarly, Klopotek mentions, the commonalities indigenous people share with other racial minorities are often ignored because research tries to set Indians apart from other people of color. However, as members of relatively diverse communities who experience oppression and marginalization, Native Americans and scholarship about them should explore how they fit into greater society.

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“certain Native Americans have ‘at times reproduced systems of oppression from the colonizers within [their] own communities.’”

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Unfortunately, Klopotek’s exploration of the manifestations of racial prejudice within indigenous communities demonstrates negative aspects of the relationships that exist between Native Americans and other minority groups. Because this article examines a tribe that lives in the southeastern part of the United States, aspects of the surrounding areas, specifically antiblack racism, have infiltrated this indigenous community. Interestingly, the author mentions how, when interacting with other minority groups, certain Native Americans have “at times reproduced systems of oppression from the colonizers within [their] own communities.” [2] This represents the dynamic that often occurs among minority groups in that they seek to be the least oppressed rather than work together for a common cause against the primary oppressor: white people. Additionally, the schisms that develop between different minority groups weakens them and allows white people to gain even more control, further solidifying their position as the dominant race in society.

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[1] Nicolás León, Cuadro De Castas Coloniales, 1924, Las Castas Del México Colonial o Nueva España, Museo Nacional Del Virreinato, Tepotzotlán, México.

[2] Brian Klopotek, “Dangerous Decolonizing: Indians and Blacks and the Legacy of Jim Crow,” ed. Florencia E. Mallon, in Decolonizing Native Histories: Collaboration, Knowledge, and Language in the Americas, VII (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2012), 180, accessed May 14, 2019.

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Gender and Sexuality

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We have noticed that the majority of the sources we have read in our exploration of indigenous rights have been authored by men. Although women played an important role in multiple aspects of various revolutions, they were often still limited by sexist structures that subordinated them to men. In more modern times, however, Latin American women have been able to be more actively involved in struggles for indigenous rights. It is important to notice their contributions to these movements and helping their messages be heard, which is often very difficult for members of minority groups in general, much less members of minority groups within a minority group.

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Jeannette Paillan, Chile:

Utilizing film media, Paillan shares the culture and traditions of the Mapuche tribe, minimizing stereotypes by allowing for self-representation.

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Tarcila Rivera Zea, Peru:

Zea is a Quechua activist who has fought for awareness of indigenous lifestyles and social injustice for over 30 years. She holds positions on a variety of committees, founded a center for indigenous cultures of Peru, and won the Visionary Award in 2011.

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Marylen Serna Salinas, Colombia:

For over 30 years, Salinas has been fighting for indigenous rights, leading several movements and participating in multiple summits. She also focuses on the importance of women’s rights, campaigning against gender-based violence. Unfortunately, on April 7th, 2017, the activist was “abducted, interrogated, beaten, tortured and sexually assaulted by three unidentified men in Popayán, Colombia” [1], which demonstrates the dangers faced by revolutionaries and women in the context of Latin America.

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Additonally, gender manifests itself in interesting ways in certain indigenous communities. Specifically, in the Mexican state of Oaxaca, the Istmo de Tehuantepec region is home to three genders: men, women, and muxes. This term comes from the Zapotec language, in which there are no grammatical genders. There are many definitions of muxe, including people who are assigned male at birth but do not present themselves in a traditionally masculine way. Muxes and people who have relations with them can be of any sexual orientation, because this gender mostly manifests itself in social and cultural ways.

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Exploring the existence of gender in different cultures is important, as it requires us to examine concepts with which we are unfamiliar. In the context of muxes, gender is not as restricted to a binary as it is in the United States. However, some overlap does exist between gender in the culture of the U.S. and gender in this indigenous Latin American communities. For example, gender has a sociocultural role in that members of each gender have specific duties and responsibilities in society. Therefore, although people in the Istmo de Tehuantepec region are not limited to a certain gender, their gender limits their powers in their community.

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Further, the presence of muxes is relatively well documented, which allows their existence to be shared with others, thus increasing their visibility and the respect and understanding they received from greater society. A significant amount of this documentation is in the form of photographs, which represents the variety of ways muxe identity manifests itself. The majority of these pictures show these muxes presenting themselves in traditionally feminine ways, wearing dresses and makeup. Many of these outfits are inspired by Frida Kahlo’s traditional look, indicating the necessity of muxes to remain connected to their cultures and traditions.

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Additionally, muxes value self-identification to label their gender identity, as opposed to being limited to outsider labels. This importance of self-identification also applies to indigenous identity as a whole [5], which connects muxes to their larger indigeneity. Further, this overarching theme indicates similarities between different aspects of identity and the necessity of self-perception. Overall, commitment to increased knowledge and subsequent understanding and is the most important in exploring any aspects of identity.

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[1] “Take Action for Marylen Serna Salinas,” Front Line Defenders, April 13, 2017, , accessed June 9, 2019, https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/action/take-action-marylen-serna-salinas.

[2] Monica Sabella, “Meet Latin America’s Most Prominent Indigenous Female Icons,” News | TeleSUR English, March 05, 2018, , accessed June 8, 2019, https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Meet-Latin-Americas-Most-Prominent-Indigenous-Female-Icons-20180305-0027.html.

[3] Great Big Story, YouTube, June 19, 2018, accessed June 3, 2019, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aEZEiiNS3Ew.

[4] Ola Synowiec, Muxes in Traditional Clothing.

[5] Andrew Canessa, “Who Is Indigenous? Self-Identification, Indigeneity, And Claims to Justice In Contemporary Bolivia,” Urban Anthropology and Studies of Cultural Systems and World Economic Development 36, no. 3 (Fall 2007): , accessed April 17, 2019, JSTOR.

[6] Leora Yashari, “Muxe: Meet Mexico’s Third Gender Community,” Culture Trip, January 07, 2017, , accessed June 8, 2019, https://theculturetrip.com/north-america/mexico/articles/a-brief-history-of-muxe-mexicos-third-gender/.

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