The Coloniality of Gender

In the Western world, discussions on the struggles produced by colonialism tend to be myopic. For example, the application of western feminists theories in non-western societies falls shorts of fully demonstrating the complexities of the subjugation of people based on gender within the colonial state. In general, western feminist thought lacks an understanding of how gender became a tool to oppress people. Maria Lugones writes “The Coloniality of Gender” to offer more insight on the confluence of gender and colonialism. She critiques the discussion on the coloniality of power concept by Anibal Quijano with the help of feminist theoretical frameworks by Women of Color feminists. Her essay explores her interest in the intersection of “race, class, gender, and sexuality” within the colonial power structure to highlight the shortsighted discussions of liberation and struggle by men, and in particular, men of color.
The coloniality of power describes the concept of how modernity resulted from the legacies of colonialism through the domination, exploitation, and oppression of people under the Eurocentric capitalism and from racialization in the Americas [1].  Lugones criticized this model for being too narrow because it “veil[s] the ways in which non-’white’ colonized women were subjected and disempowered. She explains that she understands how Quijano sees the subjugation of people through the “axis of the coloniality of power,” and how he sees gender within this restrictive framework. However, his shortcomings demonstrate how women of color are overlooked even in academic discussions. Lugones then lists examples of the coloniality of gender.
Lugones describes the inconsistencies within gender assignation and its relation to understanding biological sex. For example, intersex people are 1 in 4 globally, and depending on which genitalia they were born with, they would be assigned a sex identity. However, even within this assignation, Lugones explains, notions of subordination based on gender are imposed. This ties with what Oyéronké Oyewùmí explains about the implementation of gender in the colonization of the Yoruba people. With colonization, gender subordination and race inferiorization were imposed on the Yoruba thus stripping their social structures. Paula Gunn Allen also explains how many North American indigenous communities were gynocratic and their belief systems revolved around female deities, yet that changed with colonization. Subordination of women came through the “the decimation of populations through starvation, disease, and disruption of all social, spiritual, and economic structures,” Gunn Allen adds that indigenous men were complicit in the restructuring of their social order especially after many were taken to England to learn the “way of the English.” This demonstrates the extent which sex, gender, and sexuality were colonized by the Euro-centric capitalist power. Lugones then describes how the feminist movements of the twentieth century were not designed for the use of women of color. The feminism of white women, bourgeois white women, only focused on their subordination and did not so because they did not see themselves in the “intersection of race, gender and other forceful marks of subjection or domination.” Stereotypes about women and men of color emphasize the importance of seeing this because it manifested how the norm for gender expectations and relations were centered around white men and women, first the bourgeois and later middle class. Likewise, heterosexuality is a construction that arose and marked the appropriate relations between people as they aligned with the colonial/modern gender system.
These examples demonstrate how gender is also a tool for establishing domination over colonized places. Because gender is not always investigated separately, it can be missed in conversations about the struggles of decolonization. In this article, Lugones demonstrated how colonization created a new gender system, and how it affected the social structures that people and made them more susceptible to exploitation from Europeans. Within these examples, Women of Color feminists demonstrated the depth of change necessary to leave societies vulnerable to oppression and how these become overlooked.
These insights are helpful within our Latin American context because we have read on examples of how gender affects Indigenous Peoples. We read on about the Muxe of Oaxaca, and how indigenous women are seen as more indigenous than men, to list some examples. Colonization profoundly transformed people and societies. It is easy however to dismiss the impacts of it when discussions about it are dominated by men, and men of color, who do not perceive gender to be influential topics. Within our class, it was helpful to read about women’s experiences because they launched conversations on the role gender plays in history the indigenous people of Latin America.
 
Lugones, Maria. “The Coloniality of Gender.” Worlds & Knowledges Otherwise 2, no. 2 (2008): 1–17. https://globalstudies.trinity.duke.edu/projects/wko-gender.
[1] Quijano, Anibal, and Michael Ennis. “Coloniality of Power, Eurocentrism, and Latin America.” Nepantla: Views from South 1, no. 3 (November 1, 2000): 533–80. https://muse.jhu.edu/article/23906.

Gender and Sexuality

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We have noticed that the majority of the sources we have read in our exploration of indigenous rights have been authored by men. Although women played an important role in multiple aspects of various revolutions, they were often still limited by sexist structures that subordinated them to men. In more modern times, however, Latin American women have been able to be more actively involved in struggles for indigenous rights. It is important to notice their contributions to these movements and helping their messages be heard, which is often very difficult for members of minority groups in general, much less members of minority groups within a minority group.

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Jeannette Paillan, Chile:

Utilizing film media, Paillan shares the culture and traditions of the Mapuche tribe, minimizing stereotypes by allowing for self-representation.

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Tarcila Rivera Zea, Peru:

Zea is a Quechua activist who has fought for awareness of indigenous lifestyles and social injustice for over 30 years. She holds positions on a variety of committees, founded a center for indigenous cultures of Peru, and won the Visionary Award in 2011.

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Marylen Serna Salinas, Colombia:

For over 30 years, Salinas has been fighting for indigenous rights, leading several movements and participating in multiple summits. She also focuses on the importance of women’s rights, campaigning against gender-based violence. Unfortunately, on April 7th, 2017, the activist was “abducted, interrogated, beaten, tortured and sexually assaulted by three unidentified men in Popayán, Colombia” [1], which demonstrates the dangers faced by revolutionaries and women in the context of Latin America.

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Additonally, gender manifests itself in interesting ways in certain indigenous communities. Specifically, in the Mexican state of Oaxaca, the Istmo de Tehuantepec region is home to three genders: men, women, and muxes. This term comes from the Zapotec language, in which there are no grammatical genders. There are many definitions of muxe, including people who are assigned male at birth but do not present themselves in a traditionally masculine way. Muxes and people who have relations with them can be of any sexual orientation, because this gender mostly manifests itself in social and cultural ways.

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Exploring the existence of gender in different cultures is important, as it requires us to examine concepts with which we are unfamiliar. In the context of muxes, gender is not as restricted to a binary as it is in the United States. However, some overlap does exist between gender in the culture of the U.S. and gender in this indigenous Latin American communities. For example, gender has a sociocultural role in that members of each gender have specific duties and responsibilities in society. Therefore, although people in the Istmo de Tehuantepec region are not limited to a certain gender, their gender limits their powers in their community.

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Further, the presence of muxes is relatively well documented, which allows their existence to be shared with others, thus increasing their visibility and the respect and understanding they received from greater society. A significant amount of this documentation is in the form of photographs, which represents the variety of ways muxe identity manifests itself. The majority of these pictures show these muxes presenting themselves in traditionally feminine ways, wearing dresses and makeup. Many of these outfits are inspired by Frida Kahlo’s traditional look, indicating the necessity of muxes to remain connected to their cultures and traditions.

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Additionally, muxes value self-identification to label their gender identity, as opposed to being limited to outsider labels. This importance of self-identification also applies to indigenous identity as a whole [5], which connects muxes to their larger indigeneity. Further, this overarching theme indicates similarities between different aspects of identity and the necessity of self-perception. Overall, commitment to increased knowledge and subsequent understanding and is the most important in exploring any aspects of identity.

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[1] “Take Action for Marylen Serna Salinas,” Front Line Defenders, April 13, 2017, , accessed June 9, 2019, https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/action/take-action-marylen-serna-salinas.

[2] Monica Sabella, “Meet Latin America’s Most Prominent Indigenous Female Icons,” News | TeleSUR English, March 05, 2018, , accessed June 8, 2019, https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Meet-Latin-Americas-Most-Prominent-Indigenous-Female-Icons-20180305-0027.html.

[3] Great Big Story, YouTube, June 19, 2018, accessed June 3, 2019, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aEZEiiNS3Ew.

[4] Ola Synowiec, Muxes in Traditional Clothing.

[5] Andrew Canessa, “Who Is Indigenous? Self-Identification, Indigeneity, And Claims to Justice In Contemporary Bolivia,” Urban Anthropology and Studies of Cultural Systems and World Economic Development 36, no. 3 (Fall 2007): , accessed April 17, 2019, JSTOR.

[6] Leora Yashari, “Muxe: Meet Mexico’s Third Gender Community,” Culture Trip, January 07, 2017, , accessed June 8, 2019, https://theculturetrip.com/north-america/mexico/articles/a-brief-history-of-muxe-mexicos-third-gender/.

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Rosa Isolde Reuque Paillalef's When a Flower is Reborn

The Latin American testimonial literature genre has been critiqued for subjecting indigenous subjects to generalizations and even, in some testimonies, allowing western academics to overpower indigenous voices when writing about them. When a Flower is Reborn, by contrast, exemplifies a work in the genre that functions as it should. This specific type of collaboration between Mapuche Feminist Rosa Isolde Reuque Paillalef and Florencia Mallon illuminates a potential path filled with hope for the testimony genre. Florencia Mallon, the editor and translator of Reuque’s life as a Mapuche feminist, structures the book in a way that attempts to resolve the issues that pop up in the testimony genre by incorporating dialogue that engages not only Requeue but also her family. This allows for intimacy to come to fruition and creates a sense that the reader is partaking in the conversation alongside Mallon. Mallon’s goal as an academic is to partly demonstrate that the testimony genre is far from becoming obsolete; instead, she argues that the book is not structured to cement herself as an authoritative voice of reason, though at times it may feel that way, and clarifies this potential issue in her introduction. In her short introduction to the book, she relays that although both Mallon and Reuque have different purposes in the creation of the book. Mallon views her ability to translate as providing Reuque’s marginalized positionality a critical platform to articulate her concerns that do not require a westerner claiming that they provide authenticity to such a voice because the voice coming from a Mapuche is “authentic” in and of itself and does not warrant qualification.
Reuque became one of the founding members of the first Mapuche women’s feminist organization in Chile’s history, and what elevates its significance of this event in When a Flower is Reborn is the insight provided, which is that despite communities recovering from Pinochet’s dictatorship, they were also recovering from the fragmentation of political parties produced by  Chile’s transition to democracy following Pinochet’s dictatorship. Overall, this book intimately follows Reuque’s life as she witnesses massive political changes that afflict not only Chilean peasants but also indigenous communities to serve as a testament that Mapuche organizing is not a novelty but rather a long-standing and continual process.
When a Flower is Reborn begins with an introduction, ends with a conclusion and includes four thick chapters that relay both Chilean history and Reuque’s political contributions to the Mapuche movement. In the first chapter, she writes about the self-proclaimed and metaphorical man-woman identity that was forced upon her. She clarifies that her harsh upbringing was filled with laborious and challenging roles traditionally imposed on boys. This in addition to Mapuche culture’s attitude toward womanhood limited her autonomy and perceived credibility. As a response to these limitations, Reuque interweaves a theme, at least partly explored by Mallon in her introduction, of the centrality of motherhood to cementing her authority and credibility in the flower metaphor representing womanhood. In Mapuche society, motherhood was one of the few opportunities through which Mapuche women at the time of Reuque’s birth were allowed to gain autonomy and any sense of power. Significantly, it is understood within Mapuche culture and especially in Reuque’s poetry that flowers symbolically represent women and that womanhood is connected to nature, which cements its resilience, which can also be applied to the Mapuche struggle as a whole, across the gender spectrum.
In addition, Reuque is critical of her own Mapuche culture and admits that early on in her life she did not identify heavily with her Mapuche identity and it was not until later that it began to resonate deeply with her. Reuque comments on the generational conflicts between traditional Mapuche elders and the Chilean society. Throughout her upbringing, Reuque informs the reader about the gender dynamics that were extremely pervasive, which led to the creation of the first Mapuche Women organization in the later part of her life. Reuque’s dedication to the Mapuche movement is highlighted by her decision to quit school and completely devote herself to reviving Mapuche culture while it clashes and resists against assimilation and genocidal violence inflicted upon her communities. In short, Reuque’s navigation of Mapuche culture during transient and dangerous times of transition in Pinochet’s dictatorship and later evolution into a democracy mirrors the broader plight of indigenous communities in Chile and Latin America more broadly at the time.
Additionally, the conversation on gender dynamics continues but within the context of kinship systems. Reuque’s in-law awakened her political consciousness. Their level of support was inspirational and mainly shaped her perspective on the power that community support can have on a broader scale; it invigorated and energized her to continue fighting conflicting identities, in particular, between Chile, Mapuche, and Christian-democratic identities. As Reuque reflects on and converses about the political party fragmentation that the Indigenous Land Law created, which is more heavily discussed in the third chapter, she applies the lessons learned from kinship support toward coalition-building identity politics to combat the political divisions that threatened the party in the early years of Chile’s democratic period.
In addition to the party fragmentations occurring in the earlier parts of her life, she details the creation of the Mapuche Women Organization as stemming out from systemic gender inequities. Here, Reuque synthesizes the aforementioned gender imbalances that prevented women from working within the system and made it so that they had to coalesce and create their own institution in the hope of deconstructing the patriarchal elements of Mapuche culture. Gender inequality was not limited to the Mapuche community. International conferences, NGOs and male world leaders partook in the structural oppression of women and did not give the women department of the Mapuche women organization their own budget; therefore, Reuque pushed for an independent budget for gender and argued that the department should be called “gender” rather than “women,” because, as proven by her experience, when it is called “women,” the department receives little to no funding.
This conversation reminds me of French and Bliss’ Introduction: Gender, Sexuality, and Power in Latin America Since Independence because they argue for the inclusion of a gender category within the discipline of history. This is because, in short, relations between gender and sexuality and their respective binaries permeate historical events and play a much larger role than they are made out to; thus, gender and sexuality must be their own categories of historical thinking, rather than just themes. In the attempt to achieve this, Reuque continues to speak out against the contradictions within masculine approaches to gender in communities and does so through the effective organization of Mapuche women, embodying their resilience when she went on to attend the International Women Beijing conference in 1995. Despite her argument in When a Flower is Reborn evolving into one that champions feminism as a framework to further liberate her fellow Mapuche women, she notes in various chapters that the Mapuche struggle summarized is to be formally recognized in the Chilean Constitution as legitimate. In particular, Reuque hopes that this book will reawaken the fight in indigenous communities to rise up against their opposition even if the opposition is working covertly; thus, she wishes that the community does not need another Pinochet-esque event to reawaken their vigor, their anger, and their culture, however, she also believes that complacency must end for indigenous rights to triumph.
 
Works:
French, William E., and Katherine Elaine Bliss, eds. “Introduction” in Gender, Sexuality, and Power in Latin America since Independence. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2006.
Reuque Paillalef, Rosa Isolde. 2002. When a Flower Is Reborn: The Life and Times of a Mapuche Feminist. Edited by Florencia E. Mallon. Durham: Duke University Press.

Performative Identity: The Effects of Spanish Colonization on Indigenous Women and Society

The theme of performative identity, an exploration of the effects of Spanish colonization on the social hierarchy of indigenous communities, can be seen in the change of family structure, rights of women, and the representation of culture. The pre-colonial indigenous social structure, in terms of family, was heavily reliant on marriage. Marriage was important to the way individuals lived in relation to their community, since the wife and husband functioned as a “unit” where they worked together and were seen as one. A great example of this structure is seen between Titiruku, an Aymara activist, and his wife Rosa Ramos where they helped each other network and find resources. However, with colonization from the Spanish, these structures and practices have shifted greatly and had the most impact on indigenous women. Post-colonialism, the Western Colonial Ideology led to “the denial of the very notion of ‘human rights’ to the female sex” in indigenous communities. As their rights began to decrease and their role grew inferior, women became a focus for reproductive use and childcare, meanwhile the role of men increased in society and in the cities, leaving women in the background.
The representation of culture through language, clothes, and jobs reflect another change in the identity of indigenous communities through the shift in the social hierarchy due to Spanish colonization. The most notable shift was the assimilating behavior by indigenous men who worked in the city since they would change both their appearance and behavior. These indigenous men would trade out their traditional clothing and for more European-styled clothes all the while speaking Spanish throughout their time in La Paz, Bolivia.  The fact that some indigenous men did change their clothes and language, or simply the fact that they were able to do that not only reflected their privilege and power in their communities, but also impacted the way indigenous women were viewed in society and their accessibility to certain jobs.
Indigenous women would wear more traditional clothing which included skirts, or polleras, that made them stand out more and, in a sense, stay stagnant in their roles. These clothing pieces were traditional and stood out as a significant factor of their indigeneity and culture, therefore it was hard for them to blend in or assimilate they way the indigenous men did. Notably, the ideas that “To the man, the profession, and to the woman, the hacienda” led indigenous women to more often than not work as artisans, in domestic service, and in commerce. Due to this ideology, indigenous women were pushed towards these jobs with a newbound society setup to keep it that way. The fact that Spanish colonialism impacted so many aspects of the performative identity of indigenous individuals is important to note and must be further discussed in order to achieve a greater understanding and appreciation of indigenous peoples and their work.
These points reflect the direct impact that Spanish colonialism had on the indigenous communities, a drastic change from what it once was. It is important to discuss this topic and bring it to light because the change in their social hierarchy also affects the way indigenous communities interact among themselves and with the rest of the country. This also includes their participation and decisions in other aspects, such as the way they assemble, their involvement in politics, and the leaders they choose or follow. By analyzing their social structure, we are able to further understand indigenous communities but also, we have the opportunity to examine how this structure has evolved within indigenous communities and whether or not it has retained the changes. Also, by gaining this new understanding, we can compare the impact on indigenous social hierarchies in other Latin American countries, not just Bolivia, that were also conquered by the Spanish empire, in order to evaluate how much the impact was and for how long it has remained.
There are various key terms that are essential to understanding, or at least beginning to understand, the impacts on indigenous communities from Spanish colonialism. The most important term to begin this analysis is discussing what colonialism is and who it has impacted in society. By recognizing the term, we can fully dive into the discussion of its impacts. Also, Indigenous feminism, on the other hand, is crucial for the realization of the roles indigenous women faced in their society through time. Due to Western Ideology, the role of indigenous women changed not only in their society but in also the one of Bolivia as a whole, and therefore it is important to acknowledge the need to support of these women, not necessarily all since other women were relieved of certain jobs that they pressed upon indigenous women instead. The term ayllu remains significant as well because the idea of community has adapted and been modified throughout time, both pre and post colonialism reaching even towards the way it is viewed today.

Theme: Identity and the intersections of women and ethnicity

The article “‘Women Are More Indian’”: Ethnicity and Gender in a Community near Cuzco” by Marisol de la Cadena “explores the ways in which gender and ethnic relations have developed and intersected over time in Chitapampa…” [1] A key theme in both texts is that seemingly separate categories of ethnicity, class, masculine, and feminine should not be studied independently, but rather as interconnected elements of identity that are relational to each other. In this text, the author focuses on the distribution of valued labor between urban and rural settings to suggest that women are perceived as more “Indian” because of the ethnic associations with the labor their gender role restricts them to.
The article introduces the idea of valued work being divided along gender lines when discussing how work was divided in an agricultural society. Men were perceived as being more suited to harder physical labor, such as plowing, so “…for Chitapampinos, men’s capacity to work is greater than that of women…” [2] Women’s work, which involved tending to the house or selling the harvests, was seen as less physically strenuous, and therefore was valued less. Therefore, in a rural society, farming (valued more) was associated with men and the author defines this a key source of gender inequality.
However, the author recognizes that there is a historical and ethnic component to this relationship between genders. As rural indigenous workers began to move into the cities, the perception of valued labor shifted to “Urban work is valued more highly than rural work.” [3] This meant that working in the cities was considered more valuable and the author claims that this was divided along gendered lines as well. Men had more opportunity to find work and be based in the cities while women continued to be confined to the home. Therefore, men worked in urban settings and women worked in rural settings (where the home was located). Even though women began to fulfill an agricultural role that was once valued highly and restricted to men, the goal post had shifted, and urban work became what was valued. However, there is an ethnic component to this value system as well. The author writes, “…urban work serves to distinguish mestizos from Indians: ‘Indians don’t know how to work as well as mestizos do…’” [4] Urban work characterized mestizos and rural work characterized what was considered “Indian.” Since urban and rural is also divided along gender lines, the author argues that men are more associated with being mestizo and women are more associated with being Indian. Therefore, ethnicity, labor value, and gender influence each other to create identity and cultural perceptions of identity.
Footnotes
[1] De la Cadena. “Are Women More Indian?” in Larson, Brooke, Olivia Harris, and Enrique Tandeter, eds. Ethnicity, Markets, and Migration in the Andes: At the Crossroads of History and Anthropology. Durham: Duke University Press, 1995, (329).
[2] De la Cadena. “Are Women More Indian?” (333).
[3] De la Cadena. “Are Women More Indian?” (334).
[4] De la Cadena. “Are Women More Indian?” (334).
Sources Used:
De la Cadena. “Are Women More Indian?” in Larson, Brooke, Olivia Harris, and Enrique Tandeter, eds. Ethnicity, Markets, and Migration in the Andes: At the Crossroads of History and Anthropology. Durham: Duke University Press, 1995.